The status of women in Asia varies from country to country (Drage, 2001) but nevertheless has been measured as lower than those of European and North American women. It could be deduced to have stemmed from the fact that women groups, as well as green movements and new social movements in general, have risen with the start of the post-materialist or post modern stage. Partly because Asia is not yet, in general, as post materialist as Europe or North America and partly because male-dominated customs and traditions are still upheld in most Asian countries, particularly China (Hsiung, 2001), India (Jahan, 1987) and Japan (Hsia and Scanzoni, 1996), most Asian women still need to find their way through the male-dominated political arena, save for a cluster of strong political women leaders scattered scantily all over Asia.

However, the presence of these women political leaders in the national level is not enough to say that there indeed is women empowerment. In Sri Lanka, as well as from other countries of the region suggests that “prospects for service in local government bodies, particularly in rural areas, are limited for women almost to the point of non-existence” (Kearney, cited in Jahan, 1987). It was said that these women who have risen to the top political ranks have been able to do so, still, because of their family (Jahan, 1987). To illustrate, Jahan (1987) mentioned of Indira Gandhi, Sirimavo Bandaranaike and Benazir Bhutto of India as coming from “rich, aristocratic families and were educated in the West” (p.850). Often their entry into politics “was mediated by a male relative” (Jahan, 1987, p.850).

A barrier oft cited is the culture. The male dominated world has been one of the greatest barriers to women political participation. In Asia, the predominant illustration is that of a woman at home and that of the man outside participating in the economic and political spheres. The male-dominated culture and traditions often result to low literacy rates, poverty rates for women, lack of some basic rights such as education, health care, safety and employment opportunities (Drage, 2001).

The male environment within political institutions can deter women (Drage, 2001). “The fact that there are few women on decision-making bodies means that these women have to work within styles and modes that are acceptable to men” (Drage, 2001). Because of this some women find out that they cannot pursue openly issues involving social justice and gender equality, as this would eventually lead to discrimination. Drage (2001) further argues that these women are often judged harshly by the society and their colleagues, for example if a woman handles a matter like a man she will be seen as arrogant. Also, if as Hsiung (2001) illustrates, a woman being able to climb up the ladder of success would be seen as having an affair with her superior, as this could only be the reason why she is being promoted. This is because women are seen as physically and intellectually incapable (Drage, 2001).

The cost of entering politics also serves as a barrier against women. “Even the smallest of elections costs money” (Drage, 2001). Since most women continue to earn less, some are not even employed; most women tend to be affected by campaign costs, thus limiting the possibility of them entering into politics. Once elected, these posts could take up all of their time, thus resulting in a crisis between what should be taken care of first: family or politics. The low remuneration from taking up a political cost is not sufficient for such a demanding job, the cost of which often is inability to manage the family well (Drage, 2001). Drage (2001) further notes that “the lack of childcare support can also be a barrier as the timing of local authority meetings do not always fit into the daily workloads in women’s lives”.

Drage (2001) argues that certain forms of institutions could also be prohibitive for women. For one, the electoral system used for electing representatives has had a significant impact on women’s access to political office (Drage, 2001). Second, the presence of quotas of reserved seats for women has actually shown an increase in the number of elected women, particularly in South Asia (Drage, 2001). Third, while there are reserved seats, the access to it may be limited through means such as indirect election or perception on the inferiority of reserved seats. This results to a position where women “they are not equal to the elected men, they don’t have the same access to funding and they cannot take development initiatives without the permission of male commissioners” (Drage, 2001).

Fourth, as mentioned earlier the lack of kinship ties and male mediation can hamper women political entry. Fifth, lack of political party support can inhibit women too. Some political parties, due to the dominant belief that women are incapable, are reluctant to field in women candidates unless they are backed by strong male political figures (Drage, 2001). Sixth, the adversarial nature of politics itself is also a hindrance to women political entry. Drage (2001) argues that “many women are just not prepared to be involved in political environments which support an aggressive culture, combative debate and personality conflicts”.

Finally, She argues that “women’s involvement in local government can depend on the level of democracy practiced” (Drage, 2001). She further argues that “women can be disadvantaged by a system of local government which is strictly controlled by central government, is totally reliant on central funding to provide local administration, has little accountability to the community within which it operates an to which members are appointed” (Drage, 2001). A more devolved set up allows women to be autonomous while working within central or state government statute, it also gives them greater financial freedom, and allows them to be more responsive to local communities and open influence (Drage, 2001).

Contrary to what Jahan (1987) has argued that in some South Asian countries there is a limited number of women officials at the local level, Drage argues that the trend towards decentralization has actually increased women’s chance of going into politics. However, their entry seems to be still mediated by many factors, including male backing and connections.

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